A case for UN reform that cannot wait

The power, purpose, and the price of relevance for the global organisation at 80.

Febrian Alphyanto Ruddyard

12 November 20255 min read

As the United Nations turns 80, the world it was built to guide hardly resembles the one it inherited in 1945. The institution was born out of exhaustion – an act of desperation after a war that consumed entire continents. It promised that conversation, not conquest, would define the next century. For a time, that promise held. Yet the machinery created to keep peace has aged, its parts grind against realities it was never designed to manage.

The world that shaped the UN was divided along simple lines – victors and vanquished, East and West, order and ideology. Today, power is more dispersed: economic, digital, and often informal. Alliances shift faster than treaties can record them.

The UN, once the main stage of global diplomacy, now feels at times like a hall where yesterday’s arguments are replayed for tomorrow’s audience.

In most conflicts, it is not the great powers but the neighbours who sense danger first.

No organ captures this tension more clearly than the Security Council. It was designed to act swiftly in defense of peace, but the veto has turned into paralysis. What was meant as a safeguard against reckless action now prevents action altogether. Each time one permanent member blocks a resolution, 188 others are reminded of how little their votes count. The problem is not just procedural; it is structural. The Council still mirrors a world of five decisive powers, not the many that shape crises today. From Ukraine to Gaza to Sudan, decisions stall because the map of responsibility no longer fits the map of reality. Reform, long discussed, is no longer optional – it is essential.

There are, however, signs of adaptation. The ten elected members – the so-called E10 — enter without vetoes but with sharper instincts. Freer to broker compromise, they often break the gridlock left by the Permanent Five. The lesson is simple: legitimacy grows from participation, not privilege.

UN Security Council deliberations (Eskinder Debebe/UN Photo)

A global body cannot claim to represent the world while denying it a place at the table (Eskinder Debebe/UN Photo)

For decades, reform was diplomatic small talk – easy to support, safe to delay. That time has passed. Power has shifted south and east. Populations have multiplied. New vulnerabilities, from cyberwarfare to climate migration, blur the old boundaries. Yet the Security Council’s seats remain frozen for the victors of a war eight decades ago. A global body cannot claim to represent the world while denying it a place at the table. Reform does not mean chaos or endless enlargement. It means updating the UN’s moral logic, sharing responsibility where influence now lies and accepting that legitimacy must be earned continuously, not conferred once.

When the Security Council cannot act, attention turns to the General Assembly. It remains the only forum where every nation has an equal voice, even if not equal power. Its resolutions cannot command armies, but they can move consciences. History shows that moral clarity, when expressed collectively, can shift political momentum. For the General Assembly to matter more, its moral weight must connect to practical impact – through stronger coordination with humanitarian agencies, follow-up mechanisms that give resolutions life beyond the vote, and closer work with regional organisations that often see crises first. The General Assembly could be more than a debating hall; it could be the early-warning system of the international order.

In most conflicts, it is not the great powers but the neighbours who sense danger first. That is why regional organisations – from the African Union and ASEAN to the European Union and ECOWAS – deserve a stronger role in the UN system. They bring proximity, cultural fluency, and credibility that distant capitals cannot. Chapter VIII of the UN Charter envisioned such cooperation long ago, but in practice coordination has remained ceremonial. Real partnership would mean treating these bodies as first responders – supported, not second-guessed. The UN’s future depends on a system that looks less like a pyramid of authority and more like a network of trust.

Institutions survive not only on rules but on belief. The UN’s legitimacy is rebuilt decision by decision – when peacekeepers protect civilians, when sanctions target perpetrators rather than populations, when aid reaches people before despair turns to anger. Trust, once lost, cannot be restored by resolution. It must be earned through example. And that begins with listening. Too often the UN speaks in the voice of procedure, cautious and detached from those outside its walls. Yet true authority today comes from empathy. Listening to smaller states, to regional actors, and to the citizens whose lives depend on these decisions is not a concession; it is strength.

The tension between sovereignty and collective protection also remains unresolved. The doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was meant to bridge that divide, asserting that sovereignty carries duty. Yet its uneven application – invoked in some crises, ignored in others – has bred disillusionment. The future may depend less on intervention than on prevention: building local and regional capacity so that protection becomes a shared responsibility, not an external act.

Longevity is not the same as relevance. The UN’s endurance is remarkable, but its credibility is fragile. The Security Council must loosen its grip on privilege. The General Assembly must reconnect its moral voice with practical purpose. Regional organisations must be seen as trusted partners, not polite footnotes.

The UN was born from the wreckage of war, built on the belief that humanity could learn from catastrophe. Whether it can still honor that promise depends on whether its members can trade the comfort of dominance for the discipline of cooperation. The 20th century taught the world how to build power; the 21st must teach it how to share it. Only then will the United Nations remain not an echo of the past, but an anchor for the future.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author in his personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the Government of Indonesia or any affiliated institution

About the author

Febrian Alphyanto Ruddyard

His Excellency Mr. Febrian Alphyanto Ruddyard was appointed by the President of the Republic of Indonesia as the Vice Minister of the National Development Planning/Vice Head of National Development Planning Agency on 20 October 2024.

Topics

United Nations