India, explained.
India sought to present itself as a steady maritime host in an unsettled region (@SpokespersonMoD/X)
India’s fleet review was as much diplomacy as pageantry
The country is expanding maritime influence without formal alliances.
India, explained.
India sought to present itself as a steady maritime host in an unsettled region (@SpokespersonMoD/X)
The country is expanding maritime influence without formal alliances.
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India’s fleet review was as much diplomacy as pageantryIndia’s fleet review was as much diplomacy as pageantry
The grand spectacle of India’s International Fleet Review 2026 held off the coast of Visakhapatnam this month did just what it was meant to. These carefully staged events are designed to showcase the maritime capabilities of the Indian Navy, inviting international partners to participate and highlight the message. Dozens of foreign warships at anchor and a sequence of naval engagements stretching over days epitomised this year’s theme of unity, security and partnership.
Fleet reviews are traditionally ceremonial affairs. China’s 2019 Qingdao review underlined the modernisation of the People’s Liberation Army Navy and Beijing’s great-power aspirations. Indian naval vessels sailed to Qingdao to participate in that review, commemorating the 70th anniversary of the PLA Navy, a year before the Galwan Valley clash in 2020. Yet the guest list in Visakhapatnam was striking for the absence of China, Pakistan and Türkiye. The geopolitical message was clear: caution is maintained even in a display of naval proximity.
The fleet review was held alongside the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) and Exercise MILAN 2026, a multinational naval drill that has grown steadily in scope. This institutional layering is not accidental. IONS offers a forum for agenda setting among Indian Ocean navies and MILAN supplies operational substance through interoperability and exercises. India’s Defence Minister stated that “MILAN 2026 stands as the largest and the most inclusive edition to date; a reflection of the confidence the global maritime community places in India as the trusted and responsible maritime partner”.
India is moving beyond episodic maritime diplomacy of occasional ship visits or infrequent exercises. It is attempting to embed itself as a central node in Indian Ocean governance. The choreography in Visakhapatnam suggests a country that wants to be seen not only as having a capable navy but also as a facilitator of maritime order.
The optics surrounding participation sharpened that narrative. Iran’s naval presence was notable, given the broader tensions in West Asia and India’s delicate balancing act between Tehran and its Western partners. At the same time, the absence of a US Navy warship, reportedly due to operational reasons, inevitably drew attention.
The choreography in Visakhapatnam suggests a country that wants to be seen not only as having a capable navy but also as a facilitator of maritime order (@SpokespersonMoD/X)
It would be a mistake to over interpret any single deployment decision. Navies operate on tight schedules, and commitments shift. But symbolism is intrinsic to fleet reviews. They are carefully curated diplomatic stages. The episode underlined a reality of the Indo-Pacific that alignments are fluid, and maritime coalitions are not always smooth.
For India, this fluidity is not a liability, it is part of the design. New Delhi has always prized strategic autonomy, resisting formal alliances even while strengthening partnerships with the United States, Japan and Australia. At sea, this autonomy is now being expressed through inclusion. By inviting a wide spectrum of navies, India is signalling that it does not see the Indian Ocean as a binary theatre.
Indigenous ships were not displayed as symbols of isolation or self-sufficiency alone but as contributions to collective maritime security.
This is an evolution from earlier Indian fleet reviews. The 2001 review in Mumbai came at a time when India was consolidating its security posture after conflict with Pakistan and beginning to speak of itself as an emerging blue water navy. The 2016 review projected an image, emphasising “common desire to use the seas to promote peace, cooperation and friendship”. Both were important milestones. But neither featured as structured a sequence of multilateral forums and exercises as in 2026.
The difference is not simply one of scale. India today is seeking to shape the conversation about the Indian Ocean’s future. India has no formal alliance architecture in the Indo-Pacific. Its order-building, therefore, is necessarily more networked and less institutionalised. The fleet review–IONS–MILAN triad was a creative attempt to fill that gap. Through IONS, it has helped institutionalise dialogue among littoral navies. Through MILAN, it has expanded practical cooperation. The fleet review was the visible apex of that network – a moment for the accumulated relationships to be displayed in formation.
There was also a domestic dimension. The prominence of indigenous platforms – including India’s first home-built aircraft carrier and new-generation destroyers and frigates – underscored advances in naval modernisation. Indigenous ships were not displayed as symbols of isolation or self-sufficiency alone but as contributions to collective maritime security.
The event underscores that middle powers are experimenting with new forms of order-building. Warships are instruments of hard power, but in harbour they become props in a geopolitical script. The arrangement of hulls, the flags flown, the gaps in the line – all are read as signals.
At Visakhapatnam, India sought to present itself as a steady maritime host in an unsettled region. The mixed tableau of participation captured both the promise and the limits of that ambition. India is trying to curate the waters on which others sail.
About the author
Sanchari Ghosh
Sanchari Ghosh is a PhD candidate at the Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University, Kolkata.
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