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ASEAN risks becoming window dressing in a BRICS expansion

Indonesia’s entry to the grouping highlights how smaller nations risk being sidelined by existing power hierarchies.

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto among leaders at the BRICS summit (GCIS/Government of ZA)
Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto among leaders at the BRICS summit (GCIS/Government of ZA)
Published 18 Jul 2025 

The inclusion of Indonesia as a full BRICS member at the BRICS Summit in Rio de Janeiro this month was a significant development for ASEAN, granting the group a foothold in Southeast Asia’s geopolitical landscape. Indonesia, as ASEAN’s largest economy, brings substantial diplomatic and economic influence to BRICS.

However, this inclusion exposes a paradox. Despite its rhetoric of elevating the Global South, BRICS remains dominated by China and Russia. While Indonesia’s inclusion is symbolically important, it raises the question: how much agency do ASEAN countries truly have within BRICS?

Expanding the bloc to include nations such as Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand appears to be a move toward a more pluralistic, multipolar world order. But the reality may be different. As BRICS includes more members, it risks becoming a soft-power club, where the inclusion of Global South nations masks the persistent structural hierarchies within the group. ASEAN countries, despite their strategic significance, may find themselves relegated to symbolic roles, serving more as diplomatic ornaments than as genuine decision-makers.

The ideal of multipolarity promoted by BRICS, where power is equitably shared, requires closer scrutiny. Multipolarity does not automatically lead to power redistribution. Instead, it could create a new order of dominant states that retain the capacity to shape global affairs. The inclusion of ASEAN countries in BRICS risks reinforcing the very power imbalances they aim to challenge. The rhetoric of Global South solidarity, while appealing, seems increasingly like a tool for legitimising power, rather than a sincere commitment to reshaping global power dynamics.

Internal divisions threaten ASEAN autonomy

For ASEAN, the challenge lies in balancing the opportunities and contradictions within BRICS. While membership may provide ASEAN countries with access to new financial resources and a platform to amplify their global voice, it may also undermine regional cohesion.

If ASEAN nations are not cautious, they may find themselves caught in a geopolitical game where their voices are overshadowed by the most influential states within BRICS.

ASEAN’s strength has been its ability to balance relationships with China and the United States, adhering to a non-aligned, independent foreign policy. However, BRICS’s internal power struggles, particularly China’s growing economic influence, could push ASEAN countries into a difficult position: gain influence within BRICS or risk losing their strategic autonomy.

The divisions within BRICS are becoming more apparent. China’s economic dominance contrasts with the more ideologically diverse interests of other members, such as India and South Africa. These internal contradictions threaten to marginalise ASEAN countries, pushing them to align with a single dominant power within BRICS. ASEAN could lose its ability to voice a unique perspective and be absorbed into a new hegemonic narrative.

Furthermore, China's increasing influence might intensify inequalities within the Global South. ASEAN nations could become more marginalised by the internal conflicts within BRICS, rather than participating as equal partners in a multipolar world. This internal division risks weakening ASEAN’s ability to maintain an independent role in global governance.

Photographers jostling for the "family photo" of leaders at the BRICS Summit (Ricardo Stuckert/Palácio do Planalto)
Is BRICS genuinely creating space for the Global South, or simply reshuffling existing hierarchies? (Ricardo Stuckert/Palácio do Planalto)

Multipolar rhetoric, structural ambiguity

Greater engagement with BRICS could grant ASEAN access to financial resources through the New Development Bank (NDB) and open new diplomatic channels. However, as China’s economic influence increases within BRICS, ASEAN might face pressure to align with one of the bloc’s major powers, potentially jeopardising its ability to remain independent.

Additionally, ASEAN countries risk being drawn into a hegemonic structure that favours Chinese, Indian, or Russian interests, which could sideline their own priorities. If ASEAN nations are not cautious, they may find themselves caught in a geopolitical game where their voices are overshadowed by the most influential states within BRICS.

The most recent BRICS summit raises important questions about the true nature of the expanding bloc. Is BRICS genuinely creating space for the Global South, or simply reshuffling existing hierarchies? While the rhetoric of inclusivity and multipolarity sounds appealing, BRICS expansion might just reinforce new dependencies.

Ultimately, ASEAN must approach its relationship with BRICS carefully. It needs to ensure it doesn’t get caught in a new geopolitical framework that preserves the structural inequalities it seeks to challenge. Without significant internal reform, BRICS risks becoming just another manifestation of power politics, where the voices of smaller states are marginalised in favour of the few powerful players. For ASEAN, the goal is to engage thoughtfully with BRICS, taking advantage of its potential benefits while remaining vigilant against the risk of being pushed aside in a new global order.




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