Second, Chinese yards build new vessels much cheaper and faster than do US shipyards, even the ones specialising in navy ships. “The Departments of Defence and Homeland Security have long histories of struggling to remain on-time and on-budget during major vessel acquisition programs”, says the Council on Foreign Relations in a report on Trump’s hopes.
Of course, China’s cost advantage is directly attributable to floods of taxpayers’ money. Between 2010 and 2018, Beijing pumped the equivalent of $132 billion in direct subsidies and state-backed financing, according to a study by the Centre for Strategic and International Studies.
And finally, flip-flops by the office of the US Trade Representative over port-side penalties and tariffs will greatly reduce the hoped-for revenues to pay for new ships. The USTR’s 42-page revision in mid-April of its ill-considered original proposals have watered them right down in the face of a global and domestic chorus of complaints. Instead of 80 per cent of container ships, originally the hardest-hit, being liable for port-side penalties, it’s down to just seven per cent, according to Clarksons. And across all shipping including container ships, it’s down from 43 per cent to nine per cent.
Many don’t see even these revised numbers working. “It’s a step in the wrong direction as it will raise prices for consumers, weaken US trade and do little to revitalise the US maritime industry,” warned Joe Kramek, president and chief executive of Washington-based World Shipping Council.
And pending public hearings, the numbers may look different again when they are fully operational in three-and-a-half years’ time, when Trump is due to leave the White House.
Nevertheless, the USTR sees its proposals as a triumph, citing the “widespread praise” it received for “these responsive actions [to resurrect American shipbuilding and remedy the unreasonable way that China is trying “to dominate the maritime, logistics and shipbuilding sectors.”