This year, Kaohsiung, a major harbour city in southern Taiwan, hosted both French and Japanese cultural festivals – their second editions. Food stalls, concerts, and performances drew large crowds from the city and beyond. At both events, the official representatives of France and Japan (effectively their de facto ambassadors) gave speeches and joined in the celebrations. These festivals are more than entertainment. They are manifestations of Kaohsiung’s growing focus on city-to-city diplomacy.
City-to-city diplomacy in Taiwan has long been underutilised and skewed towards American cities. What began as a handful of “sister city” agreements with US municipalities is now branching into Asia, Central and Eastern Europe, and beyond. Even small places like Changjhih Township are forming targeted partnerships with Philippine provinces, focusing on shared industries such as fisheries and farming. That’s a step up from symbolic handshakes with US mayors.
The paradox is that cities can achieve both a little and a lot at the same time.
Kaohsiung leads the charge. It now counts 43 sister cities, the latest being Gdynia, Poland: another example of Taiwan’s outreach to Eastern Europe. Alongside its French and Japanese festivals, Kaohsiung has launched the Sunshine Island Vibe Fest (with Thailand and the Philippines), celebrated India’s Diwali Festival, and hosted Sawasdee Kaohsiung (on Thailand). These efforts reflect the city’s recognition of its large Southeast Asian workforce and growing economic links with India.
This type of diplomacy is still in its infancy, and many officials remain unsure of its capacity. Yet the paradox is that cities can achieve both a little and a lot at the same time. Cities don’t employ armies, impose tariffs, or negotiate trade deals. But they do wield budgets, subsidise industries, and command respect from residents: in many countries, cities are the most popular level of governance, garnering higher trust than national governments both in the European Union and the United States.
The potential for soft diplomacy at this level is wide-ranging. Kaohsiung recently signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with Kitakyushu, Japan, which includes a “Marathon Exchange Agreement” for sports cooperation. For a country often forced to compete under the “Chinese Taipei” label, such sports diplomacy carries real weight.
Economic exchanges are equally important. Kaohsiung has signed agreements with Japanese cities such as Kumamoto, Mutsu, Wakayama, and Aomori. The Mutsu partnership has been especially fruitful, with a tourism MOU and even city staff stationed in Kaohsiung.
Education links are multiplying as well. Kaohsiung has built a network of 220 “sister schools” worldwide for online exchanges, pen-pal programs, mutual visits, and teacher training. When Orange County, New York, signed a sister-city agreement in April, it only took two months for both sides to launch a high school exchange MOU. Similar agreements have been signed with Hachioji City in Tokyo, and Kaohsiung is now eyeing Finland and France.
People-to-people links are small in scale but powerful in effect.
These people-to-people links are small in scale but powerful in effect. Each direct connection helps Taiwan break its diplomatic isolation in ways the national government cannot. Unlike the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, city governments don’t have to wrestle with semantic disputes over Taiwan's status or whether a deal contravenes a country's relationship with China. This gives cities more room to manoeuvre.
China, of course, does the same. It courts not only cities but also federated states and provinces. Recent revelations about Chinese influence operations in New York City illustrate how effective such outreach can be. Interestingly, any MOU with vague terms signed by China is immediately trumpeted as “signalling” that China has found a new vassal, even if the other party doesn't see it that way. Yet Kaohsiung signing such documents with other cities is flying under the radar, even when the agreements have practical effects.
City diplomacy alone won’t save Taiwan’s status. But neither would a huge navy, billions more in defence spending, or forcing the world to defend the island under threat of losing access to semiconductors.
Taiwan faces an adversary that has mastered hybrid warfare and sees every detail of life as part of its struggle. In this context, every tool matters. And city diplomacy is one more way for Taiwan to strengthen its resilience, expand its international presence, and remind the world it exists.
